Most honest legal scholars, liberal pundits and even the left's media darling The New York Times have labeled the case flimsy. Bragg, who campaigned on prosecuting Trump, fashioned his case on a dubious legal theory. The indictment is littered with prosecutorial holes and sidesteps the statute of limitations.
Bragg, who owes his election to George Soros, let the case against Trump lay fallow for nearly 18 months before unveiling the 34-count felony indictment. Bragg burnished his Democratic Party political credentials with the first ever criminal prosecution of a former president in the 245-year U.S. history.
The news media salivated at the prospect of a Trump mug shot. But they were disappointed after the former president appeared in a Manhattan court to plead not guilty to falsification of business records without ever being photographed in an orange jumpsuit.
Utah GOP Sen. Mitt Romney, who twice voted to impeach Trump, awkwardly sided with his nemesis. "The prosecutor's overreaction sets a dangerous precedent for criminalizing political opponents and damages the public's faith in our justice system." You have to work hard to make Trump a martyr.
UCLA campaign finance law expert Richard Hasen was quoted in Politico as writing: "In this vein, it is very easy to see this case tossed for legal insufficiency or tied up in courts well past the 2024 election before it might go to trial."
Bragg's prosecution is strictly political. His predecessor, Cyrus Vance, Jr., reviewed Trump's alleged hush-money payments and opted not to indict. The prosector for the Southern District of New York chose not to pursue the case in 2019. The Federal Election Commission reviewed the allegations in 2021 and did not take action.
A member of the Manhattan DA office resigned in February, 2022, after Bragg refused to charge Trump with financial crimes. The attorney, Mark Pomerantz, was championing the investigation into the former president. Bragg deemed the facts did not support an indictment.
Six years have passed since the underlying conduct alleged in the indictment, exceeding the statute of limitations. More puzzling is how Bragg elevated the "falsification of business records" charges into felonies, a move that required evidence Trump attempted to conceal a second crime.
Bragg left the question of the second crime dangling without explanation. He refused to offer specifics. Instead he promised reporters to reveal "more evidence made available to the office and the opportunity to meet with additional witnesses." In other words, he has nothing.
So what changed Bragg's mind about prosecution? The view here is Bragg was pressured by Democrats to file charges. The timing of the indictment is suspect. With the presidential campaign drawing closer, Biden's handlers have made it clear they are frothing over a rematch against Trump.
What better way to hamstring Trump than the public spectacle of an indictment? The former president already faces the prospect of a host of legal problems. But those may take months or longer to reach fruition. Democrat political calculations favored a Bragg action, far removed from Washington.
The Department of Justice is investigating Trump's handling of secret documents. But a DOJ indictment would have smacked of partisanship. Better to have an administration outsider deliver the judicial coup. This charade smacks of a banana-republic style political vendetta.
Most Americans had never heard of Alvin Bragg until his bombshell indictment. He was elected Manhattan DA in 2021, riding to victory by outspending his opponents. Billionaire Soros funneled at least $500,000 to one Bragg's political action committee and donated $1 million for voter turnout.
Bragg is just one of a bevy of Soros district attorney serfs financed by the Hungarian-born businessman. Soros has backed candidates who coddle criminals in the name of judicial system reform. It's no coincidence that Soros also was a mega donor to the Biden presidential campaign.
Bragg has earned the moniker of a soft on crime district attorney. The data backs up that sobriquet. Bragg in 2022 downgraded 52% of the felony cases to misdemeanor, compared to his predecessor's rate of 39%. Even the cases Bragg prosecutes end in not guilty verdicts.
Records show that his office's conviction rate is 17%. There have been high profile instances of repeat offenders committing felonies after Bragg granted bail. No wonder crime is soaring in Manhattan this year. Crime rates are up 38% in Manhattan South and 17% in Manhattan North.
Bragg bellowed no one is above the law in justifying the Tump indictment. In Bragg's Manhattan, some convicted felons receive better treatment than a former president.
The non-stop, one-sided coverage of the indictment is succor for Democrats. But using a Manhattan DA as a Trump foil may backfire. Republicans also can find friendly district attorneys willing to bring indictments against Hunter Biden, for instance.
Politically motivated prosecutions of campaign opponents by either party is a bad idea. Anyone who claims to want to preserve democracy should be the first to condemn Bragg's prosecutorial hijinks.
